Building A Popular Education Movement In Sub Sahara Africa By: Denja Yaqub

Building A Popular Education Movement In Sub Sahara Africa

By: Denja Yaqub

Introduction

Popular education has been more associated with the struggles in Latin America, basically because of the strength of its impact in organizing powerful fighting movements in that continent and the roles played by Paulo Freire, who has become synonymous with the term as a result of his work with the oppressed, especially in Brazil which gave the concept a deeper ideological and political relevance as an effective tool for mobilization of people for social change.

The concept is as old as education itself, as it has been used overtime by the capitalist ruling class in Europe and North America fundamentally to further suppress the weak and subjugated from organizing against the system. The ruling class in these parts of the world, centuries ago, never believed the poor deserve any education beyond skill development.

In the eighteenth century for instance, “working class people in English speaking countries did not have the right to formal education and some educators and members of the aristocracy seriously argued that education would confuse and agitate working people.”[1] Those in authority in those countries however later saw the need for the working class to have education but such education must be limited only to trainings in basic skills.

Education in whatever ways or means is political and it’s itself a weapon in class struggles as it is a means of conscientization of the people as education is the fastest means of giving political education to the people in such a way that benefits people, society and systems. It is the bedrock of society and therefore, education cannot be without class interest. Indeed, education re-humanizes society.

For popular education, while it is not opposed to individual skills development, as opposed to the ultimate intent of formal education which focuses on the individual more than the society, it is about giving education to those denied access to formal education in the simplest of ways not only to develop the individual but also to give political consciousness about their environment and provide alternatives that will cause social changes to the benefit of the society.

Here we will trace the origin of popular education and how it was used by capitalism to suppress and deny the subjugated from challenging oppression and how the oppressed changed its methodologies and used it effectively against the ruling class.

Popular education has been a major tool that has been used effectively against all forms of oppression including the struggles against colonialism, apartheid, capitalism and all structures of injustices and it remain the option even for Africa if the struggle against neo liberalism and all its institutions, policies and strategies must be combated.

Concepts of Popular Education

There are several notions of popular education, but four of them seem appropriate for the mission of this paper:

1.     Working class education during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries;

2.     Radical political education;

3.     Adult education; and

4.     The tradition developed by Paulo Freire through his “Pedagogy of the Oppressed”.

·        The Working Class Education Concept

The working class education concept as developed in Europe and North America around the period of 18^th and 19^th centuries was rooted in a type of education that is developed for their common interests under their supervision to counter the aristocrats who believed workers and the poor would be agitated and “confused” if allowed access to education.

This was against the backdrop of serious class antagonism to workers education as the ruling class and their ideologues believed the poor do not need education based on the following:

 They will be “too proud to work” if educated;

·        They will make demands for increase in their wages;

·        They will not want to engage in jobs that demeans them;

·         It may be fine teaching them to read but detrimental to let them have the ability to write.

One of the proponents of this belief was a certain Bernard de Mandeville, the author of Fable of the Bees. In the second edition of this book, Bernard added a new chapter for the purpose of espousing his anti workers education clearer. In the new chapter of the book published in 1723 with the title, Essays on Charity and Charity Schools, as mentioned in Neuburg, V. (1971) Popular Education In Eighteenth Century England[2].

According to Neuburg, De Mendeville’s thesis was based on his belief that nations cannot develop without having a lot of their citizens kept in perpetual ignorance. The more uneducated workers there are the better for the growth of the economy based on the principle of exploitation.

Indeed, the British Parliament, the House of Commons in particular, once debated this in 1807 when Davies Giddy who was a member of the parliament at the time said, ironically, on the floor of the House of Commons that “giving education to the labouring classes of the poor…….would be prejudicial to their morals and happiness; it would teach them to despise their lot in life, instead of making them good servants in agriculture and other labouring employments. Instead of teaching them subordination, it would render them fractious and refractory”[3].

Not until the second half of the nineteenth century after the passage of the Reform and Education Acts when some guided education was introduced, the working people and their allies, the peasants, were denied education. And even then, education was mainly provided through communal efforts for the children of the poor and working people, with the assistance of churches and local employers who still believe that education should not be in a form that allows critical thinking.

Consequently, the poor and working people formed themselves into study groups and organized community programmes through their associations to discuss religion and politics. But these were mere self help adult education programmes and not necessarily discussion groups about the crisis of the existing societal disorder or focused towards changes in religion, politics or work rules in any qualitative form.

Indeed, Harold Sylver in his Concept of popular Education: A Study of ideas and social movements in the early nineteenth century (1965) believes popular education in the nineteenth century was organized in an institutionalized military fashion of education for the people which were resisted resulting in the establishment of Mechanic Institutes fundamentally for the “diffusion of science among the working people”[4] aimed at switching the working class from any influence that would instigate class consciousness.

This process did not encourage any education that questions authorities but made the conditions of the poor and working class appears natural and made them feel poverty is a normal occurrence or self inflicted. These institutes actually inserted in their constitutions that political discussions were not allowed.

·        Radical Political Education Concept

This concept sought to change the authoritarian and domineering methods used in the periods up to the nineteenth century by creating alternatives that ensure the independence of working class education through self-determined methods. They abhorred prescriptive curriculum and teaching methods and believed that education must not be regimented if the ultimate aim was to ensure free and independent thinking.

In Germany, the League for School Reforms was founded to promote this concept which sought to value learning without formal structures that hinder human relations, which dismisses the teacher – student kind of relationship.

·        Adult Education Concept

This concept emerged when the growth of democracy in Europe was becoming fragile and there was an urgent need to strengthen the capacity of the citizens through community groups to play relevant roles in advancing democracy and participation in decision making.

It is a concept that was targeted at making vulnerable groups organize at grassroots or community levels around issues concerning their specific interests. For instance, tenants can be organized around issues such as the management of their estates in ways that would provide them improved and better managed services.

The adult education concept is also about preparing educationally disadvantaged individuals for a better future with higher knowledge in their vocations or skills.

While adult education is in pursuance of personal skills development, popular education is also about the development of individual skills that will be of positive essence to society and can influence social change.

·        Paulo Freire”s “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” Concept

Developed in the early 60s by a Brazillian, Paulo Freire who had done a lot of work with rural peasants and urban poor, this concept is about working with the oppressed to analyze their situations, organize and take actions that will change their unjust systems, and not just learning to read and write.

Paulo Freire’s concept as espoused through his Pedagogy of the Oppressed is the most popular concept and many writers believe that popular education that generates mass actions originated from Freire’s concept. It is about empowering socio economically and politically marginalized people to take full control of their own learning in all aspects for the purpose of effecting social change.

To Paulo Freire, education is not neutral and the process of learning does have a direct link with what is being taught, who is teaching and its purpose. Education in all forms is political.

Education that must allow people to learn through their own experience, empower them to ask critical questions about their existence and work together to change the formational basis of injustice is what the oppressed need and Freire conceived of this process as a political education and action process through which the oppressed can break the culture of silence against all structures of injustice.

Freire’s concept as contained in his books: Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Pedagogy of Hope and Learning to Question: A Pedagogy of Liberation inspired critical education or political education and social movements across Latin America, Africa, Asia, North America and Europe and was used successfully by liberation theologists and movements in South America as well as South Africa where the church played critical roles in liberation struggles.

Africa needs Popular Education Movement

Africa indeed needs not just a popular education movement but a borderless popular movement to confront the onslaught on the continent by neo liberal institutions that have systematically seized our economies and social structures in their desperation to engage us in second slavery.

In the face of the excruciating implications of globalization on our economies and politics, we need an exceptionally strong popular education movement that will cut across all countries and regions in Africa; connecting not just trade unions but the entire social movement built around an alternative that is capable of satisfying the needs of our people and freeing us from the prevailing circumstances of second slavery.

Today, Africa has become a convenient ground for unchallenged neo liberalism because our governments has offered themselves as heartless hi-tech compradors who believe they exist only in and for the service of imperialism.

For instance, all over Africa, lands are being given out to neo liberal interests without consideration for national or communal interests of our people. In fact, Ethiopia, a country that suffered famine for decades, has given out several thousands of hectares of her fertile land to foreign interests in the guise of the so called Foreign Direct Investment, for the production of “food or biofuel jetropha when ordinary Ethiopians go hungry.”[5]

At the same time, Liberia too has signed off much of her land and given it out to a Malaysian company called The Malaysian Sime Darby Company which signed a 63 years agreement to take over 220, 000 hectares of Liberian people’s land in four counties, namely: Grand Cape Mount, Bomi, Bong, and Gbarpolu, for logging and agro business; specifically for oil and rubber production. And when the Liberian people protested, President Ellen Johnson-Shirleaf, one of the most disposed agents of imperialism in Africa, superciliously told her people while addressing a Town Hall meeting on 6^th December 2011 that “when your government and the representatives sign any paper with a foreign country, the communities can’t change it. You are trying to undermine your own government.” And finally she warned: “you can’t do that. If you do so all the foreign investors coming to Liberia will close their businesses and leave, then Liberia will go back to the old days.”

This is how African governments have sold our people into second slavery. And it is almost impossible to find any African government that is not guilty. This business of selling off Africa is being conducted through all sorts appendages of neo liberalism such as the so called New Economic Partnership for African Development, NEPAD and its military wing, the African Command, AFRICOM; a military partnership through which imperialism train and arm African soldiers against African people in the guise of fighting terrorism. What is happening in North Africa, particularly Egypt and Syria where thousands of unarmed protesters are being murdered within minutes, with bullets provided by neo liberal interests is a clear practical indication of what AFRICOM is all about, in case you are still in doubt.

Even the new consortium called BRICS – involving Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – which paints the picture of an anti neo liberalism cartel is nothing more than a centre for competition for space in the onslaught against Africa. It has not shown any alternative to neo liberalism rather it displays more of a gang up for competition for Africa, like the old imperial scramble for Africa, with neo liberalism.

The haste with which our governments have moved our continent into second slavery is quite disturbing. Policies originating from the Washington Consensus of 1989, the intellectual warehouse of neo liberalism, are being presented to our people as home grown. This has not only taken our lands, it has also robbed us of incomes through the so called Foreign Direct Investment, FDI, through which our countries are deceived into a free trade system that encourages capital flight to Europe and North America with low tariffs and yet claims we are engaged in a level playing, equal market free trade.

While all these are going on, the western media that are mostly owned by neo liberal interests are busy praising our continent currently as against the massive condemnations of the past. For instance, The Economist have graduated from its headline in 2000 which appropriately descried Africa as “The Hopeless Continent” to a deceitful headline: “The Emerging Africa: A Hopeful Continent”, in its March 2013 edition. According to Ama Biney, this new characterization is based on “the alleged annual growth rates of over 5% in the past decade and that the African continent has 9 of the world’s fastest growing economies.”[6]

For us who live in Africa, we know this cannot be true if the quality of the life of our people, state of industrialization, unemployment status, and provision of social services are to be considered as critical parts of what constitute parameters for determining growth rate.  The truth is, what has made the continent “hopeful” is the increased acceptance of neo liberalism by our governments.

The challenge for us is to rebuild the movement if we are to reclaim Africa from second slavery and grow through a people driven path that ensures equity for all.

Popular education seems most appropriate because “the most potent weapon of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed”, as Steve Biko is popularly known to have said. With a strong popular education movement in Africa, the mind of the oppressed will be freed from the oppressor’s manipulations and made to think and take actions that can displace the oppressor. And Tajudeen Abdul Raheem was right when he wrote that “the collective African experience is that we can only be ourselves and we need each other to counter the threat of marginalization, rapacious globalization and the consolidation of whatever little gains may have been accomplished I a number of African countries.” And “no one (African) country can be sustainable miracle if its neighbours are in hell.”[7]

In conclusion, one cannot but agree with Steve Faulkner, who wrote in his article in the September/October 2007 edition of Pathways, “the very existence of globalization provides golden opportunities to rebuild and strengthen cross-border intercontinental worker-to-worker solidarity”[8] because our governments now operate under the same economic policies handed them by neo liberal institutions that presents these policies as if they were locally generated but are the same faces of the same coins only different in national currencies.

However, we can’t build internationalism with weak national movements.

Part of the strategies of neo liberalism is to weaken or totally destroy critical national organizations that are strong enough to mobilize effective opposition to their incursions. In doing that they start with education, which like their predecessors did centuries ago, have further been made not just inaccessible but locked against critical intellectualism.

Trade unions have also come under severe attacks through the denial of workers’ rights to belong to unions; sponsorship of internal crisis that lead to either a total death of the unions or diversion of the purpose and focus of the movement through fractionalization.

Conclusion

In building popular education in Sub Sahara Africa, we need to return to our ideological commitment and organizational discipline; we need to return to the peasants; we need to return to the working people and their allies. We indeed need to rebuild a strong alliance with the people, who bear the brunt of neo liberalism.

And this is possible and urgent.

References:

1.     Crowther, J., Martin, I. & Shaw, M (1999) (Eds) Popular Education and Social Movements in Scotland Today, Leicester; NIACE

2.     Neuburg V (1971) Popular Education in Eighteenth Century England. London: The Woburn Press

3.     Harold Sylver (1965) Concept of Popular Education: A Study of ideas and social movements in the early nineteenth century. MacGibbon & Kee, London

4.     Valerie Miller and Lisa VeneKlassen (April 2012), Feminist Popular Education & Movement Building - Draft Discussion Paper, JASS Associates 2006

5.     See Ama Biney: Is Africa Really Rising? 2013-09-04 www.pambazuka.org

6.     The Popular Education News: www.popednews.org/newsltters

7.     See J. Lichfield’s Treasure of Tyrants in The Independent of U.K P. 34-35, 13 July 2013

8.     Diana Abellera: Popular Education: Connecting Movements Through Education: www.urbanhabitat.org

9.     Ditsela’s Pathways (Spring Edition. September/October 2007)  

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[1] (See Crowther J., Martin I., and Shaw, M. 1999).

[2] Neuburg, V. (1971) Popular Education In Eighteenth Century England

[3] (Neuburg, 1971)

[4] Harold Sylver:  Concept of popular Education: A Study of ideas and social movements in the early nineteenth century (1965)

[5] See Ama Biney: Is Africa Really Rising? 2013-09-04 www.pambazuka.org

[6] Ibid

[7] See J. Lichfield’s Treasure of Tyrants in The Independent of U.K P. 34-35, 13 July 2013

[8] Ditsela’s Pathways (Spring Edition. September/October 2007)

Being a paper presented at the Ditsela 7^th Education Conference held at St. Georges Hotel, Centurion, near Pretoria, South Africa 27 – 29 November 2013

Tribute To Prof. Festus Iyayi

          TRIBUTE TO A CONSUMATE FIGHTER

                               By Denja Yaqub

Precisely twenty five days after we lost one of our most unswerving leaders, Baba Omojola, whose entombment proceedings are still ongoing, death has again taken one of our best through a ghastly motor accident primarily caused by the irresponsible culture of impunity often displayed by the convoys of crass public office holders who feel the capacity to “fly” on the road magnifies their obscure power of gripping other road users to acknowledge their weight even when it clearly further exhibits how much contempt they have for people and lives.

Professor Festus Iyayi, a very rare endowment; an embodiment of meekness, cerebral dexterity, prolific writer, articulate speaker, dependable leader, honest and valiant in all things; was murdered in his prime by agents of an uncultured, rash, spineless, visionless and nauseatingly corrupt ruling elite as the convoy of a Governor who is yet to recover from an earlier accident resulting from similar reckless driving, which almost took his life, sped off with the blood of a man who had spent nearly all of his life and resources fighting for a decent society; spearheading protests for the enthronement of social equality; a man who wouldn’t have thought the convoy of one of the most unworthy beneficiaries of his struggles would eventually kill him with such reckless abandon.

Born in Ugbegun, Edo State 66 years ago in 1947, Festus started his education at the Annunciation Catholic College in his village and later, Government College, Ugheli, Delta State. He soon after read Industrial Economics at the Kiev Institute of Economics in the defunct Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, ending with a doctorate at the University of Bradford in England. He thereafter returned to Nigeria and since 1980, until his death, he was a lecturer in the department of Business Administration at the University of Benin. He also did his last sabbaticals with the Nigeria Labour Congress where he added values to the work of Africa’s largest trade union federation.

An award winner from early stage of his education, Prof Iyayi got his first award as an essayist in 1968 when he won the John Kennedy Essay Competition organized by the Embassy of the United States of America in Nigeria. He was then in his final year at Government College, Ughelli.  

A writer of high repute, his book, Heroes, did not only enjoy popular reading across the globe, it won him the esteemed Commonwealth Writers prize in 1988. He had also authored other thought provoking novels such as Violence in 1979, Contract in 1982 and Awaiting Court Martial in 1996. These books are compelling depiction of the decadence of the Nigerian society, a society that has continuously increased in her slide to banal reputations with leaders who continue to flaunt stolen public wealth in the face of the impecunious millions that form over ninety percent of the citizenry.

To these millions who bear the brunt of the imperious presence of profligate ruling elite that is exceptional in its contempt for good governance, Festus committed the entirety of his productive life.

Festus was a conscientious organizer who had been involved in the development of ideologically focused organizations of the Marxist flank as well as mass organizations committed to the desired change for a country that is so endowed with all that is needed to lead in development.

Festus did not only organize and led intellectuals; he was deeply involved in organizing peasants in remote areas of his native Edo State. He was a leading light in the socialist movement in Nigeria from the Socialist Congress of Nigeria (SCON) to the Socialist Party of Nigeria. He was part of the ideological substratum of the radical student movement in the 80s when students spoke with one patriotic voice under united, strong and vibrant auspices. A dexterous leader he was.

At the level of human rights and pro democracy struggles, he succeeded Dr Beko Ransome – Kuti as President of the Committee for the Defence of Human Rights, CDHR. He was actively involved in the Campaign for Democracy. And as a writer, he was part of the Association of Nigerian Authors, encouraged by the commitment of personalities like Ken Saro Wiwa.

The most open attestation of his activism is his leadership of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU. He was elected President of ASUU in 1986 at a time when the imperial structures of international finance capital used the opportunity provided by the anti people regime of General Ibrahim Babangida to unleash all sorts of neo liberal policies that has today left nearly all components of our collective socio economic and political existence in shambles.

ASUU, under Professor Iyayi’s leadership was a leading voice against the manipulations of that regime, most especially the economic sting called Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP. He led ASUU to team up with Nigeria Labour Congress, National Association of Nigerian Students, and several others to challenge the introduction of SAP and other draconian policies that were clearly intended to hand over our country to the whims of neo liberal institutions whose policies were sketched to subsume the entire Nigerian populace and our collective resources in second slavery, the fulcrum of the new capitalist economic order.

He fought for quality education and the right of every Nigerian to have education regardless of class barriers. He saw scholarship as a major tool that can ensure the development of any country and to achieve this, only education that is people driven in access, content and essence is required. He put all of his energy, resources and intellect in this struggle; and indeed, lost his life in the cause of the struggle as he was killed on his way to a meeting scheduled to advance the cause of the struggle for qualitative education in Nigeria.

He had suffered so much state attacks in the cause of his involvement in the struggles of our people, the most ferocious and traumatic being the state sponsored evacuation of his family from his official residence as a lecturer at the University of Benin following his removal as staff of the university along with Prof. Itse Sagay, Dr. Osagie Obayuwana both of the law faculty at the time as well as Tunde Fatunde of the Faculty of Arts.

This was at the twilight of the orchestrated obliteration of quality education in Nigeria, which was carried out by the Babangida regime on behalf of neo liberal institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund, IMF, who abhorred resistance to their grit to seize our economy.  

The systemic attack on education started with the annihilation of the culture of critical intellectualism when the regime, in open declaration of its disdain for quality education, claimed there were lecturers that were teaching what they were not paid to teach. Consequently, people like Festus who, in the perception of the regime fell in this category, were hunted and hounded out of the system. In fact, Dr. Patrick Wilmot, then a lecturer at the Ahmadu Bello University was thrown across the border, deported to the United Kingdom, and forcefully extricated from his Nigerian wife in a manner only presumed possible in war times. The students’ movement was not left out and today, the result is clearly evident in the catastrophic recession in our education system. Intellectualism has not only been destroyed, teaching and learning infrastructures in the system have totally collapsed.

The demand for proper funding for the effective revitalization of these structures that will ensure quality education are the main issues in contention leading to the current strike by university lecturers. Festus was committed to the struggle to actualize these demands until he was cut down in an accident that could have been avoided if the governor’s convoy had learnt a lesson from their previous accident.

Prof Iyayi was a colossus in the movement and his death is indeed a major smack that would not elapse so easily, but the challenge of regenerating his fighting spirit, dexterity and courage will ensure the continuity of all struggles he was involved in until victory.

Denja Yaqub is an Assistant Secretary at the headquarters of Nigeria Labour Congress, Abuja

LIBERATING THE WESTERN SAHARA: ENDING COLONIALISM IN AFRICA - Proceedings at the African Conference for solidarity with the struggle of the people of Western Sahara hosted by the Nigeria labour Congress in Abuja from 28th to 30th October 2013

  

African conference for solidarity with the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, 28^th-30^th October, 2013, Abuja – Nigeria.

Lead Paper:

LIBERATING THE WESTERN SAHARA:

ENDING COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

by

YOMIAKINYEYE(Ph.D)

Professor, Department of History and Strategic Studies &

Dean, Faculty of Arts, University of Lagos, Lagos

            Between 1884 and 1914, most of Africa was divided among the various European countries.  By 1975, with the independence of Portuguese colonies, colonized African states had regained their freedom.  Apart from direct external colonialism, certain African states in the southern region of the country were subjected to dehumanizing internal subjugation by racist supremacist regimes.  However, thanks to the determination of the indigenes of such countries and robust support by other countries on the African continent and the international community at large, such countries also became liberated in 1981 in the case of Zimbabwe, and 1994with the institution of multi-party democracy in apartheid South Africa.  Even the other African country that was abused by her neighbor under the guise of the League of Nations’ mandate and the United Nations’ Trusteeship (Namibia) also gained its independence in 1991 largely through the same process of determined internal resistance and dogged international assistance.  However, the story of the Western Sahara is the only exception to this rhythm in African history.  Like most African countries with the clear exception of Ethiopia and arguable case of Liberia, the country was colonized by Spain in 1884 and rather than gain her independence like her sister African countries when Spain left in 1975, she passed to another phase of colonial domination by her neighbours namely: Mauritania to the South and Morocco to the North.  Like the Southern African countries of Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Republic of SouthAfrica and Namibia, the people of the Western Sahara under the name of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic have been fighting, but to date, unlike the other instances mentioned above, independence remains a pious hope while subjugation is the living reality of the people of Western Sahara.  Why has history been unfair to the SADR and what can be done to rid Africa of this last vestige of colonialism?  This paper seeks to discuss the Saharawi efforts to liberate the Western Sahara, highlighting the nexus between history and international law in the process and pointing out the lapses in the liberation efforts.  It will finally conclude by making some suggestions about how to solve the Saharawi question and ensure the final and total liberation of Africa.  For analytical convenience, it will be useful to physically locate the area called the Western Sahara geographically and known to international relations as the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).

WESTERN SAHARA

            Western Sahara is geographically located in the North-western part of Africa. It is bordered by Morocco to the North, Mauritania to the East, Algeria to the Northeast and the Atlantic Ocean to the West.¹ The land is largely unhabitable consisting of desert.  It is however, richly endowed with phosphates in BouCraa.  The climate is hot, desert and rain is rare.  The terrain is mostly low, flat desert with large areas of rocky or sandy surfaces rising to small mountains.  Plants and animal life is restricted to those species adapted to desert conditions, such as fennec foxes, jerboas and other rodents.  Reptiles include lizards and snakes. The country occupies a total landmass of two hundred and sixty six thousand square kilometres. Due to the current political situation and the on-going Moroccan occupation of large parts of Western Sahara, it is hard to know the exact number of the inhabitants of the territory. It is estimated however that the population of Western Sahara is about half a million inhabitants. The people of the territory are of Arabic, African and Berber origins. They speak a dialect of Arabic called Hassaniya.

HISTORY

            Historically, Western Sahara has a history dating back to about the 5^th century B.C. when it consisted of a number of nomadic groups living under Berber rule and were in contact with the Roman Empire.⁵  In the 13^th Century, Europeans started visiting the Western Sahara with the intention of trading.  In the 14^th Century, the discovery of the rich fishing grounds between the Canary Island and the Sahara Coast further attracted  more foreign visitors to the Western Sahara.⁶Spanish imperialism in the Western Sahara started in the 15^th Century first with the conquest of the Canary Island and then a series of treaty with Portugal recognizing Spanish Right of Influence.  In 1476, Santa Cruz de mar Pequena fort which remained Spanish base for trade and expansion in the Sahara was established.  This formed the basis for Spain to prevent other foreign countries making their presence felt in the Saharan Coast between the 16^th and 18^th Centuries.

            North of the Western Sahara, Morocco was also developing as a nation state through the conquest and integration of a number of some Berber groups in the 16^th and 17^th centuries.  She was beginning to contest some parts of the neighbouring Western Sahara with Spain and Portugal.  By the end of the 18^th century, the outline of the Moroccan state had taken shape.  By a treaty of 1767 signed in Marrakech, Morocco recognized the river nun as the limit of its authority.⁷  In 1799, the Moroccan monarch Sultan MuleySoliman acknowledged that he did exercise sovereignty over the territories bordering the river which is still several kilometres from the Western Sahara.  Other international agreements entered into by Morocco in 1856 and 1861 with Britain and Spain respectively were unequivocal about the exclusion of the territories of the Western Sahara from the dimension of Morocco.⁸  However, for purely national interest, Britain in 1885 concluded a treaty with Morocco which implied that Morocco had sovereignty over a stretch of territory between River Draa and the Western Sahara.  Spain then intensified her colonial expansion in the Western Sahara and succeeded in getting herself recognized at the Berlin Conference in 1885 as the colonial master of Western Sahara.  Spain thereafter negotiated the boundaries of what today is the Western Sahara with France in 1900, 1904 and 1912.  Spain remained the colonial overlord of the Western Sahara from the time of the Berlin Conference (1884-1885) until 1975.

            Meanwhile, the Saharawi people did not reconcile themselves to Spanish colonialism.  Apart from the natural love of people for freedom, Spanish colonialism did little to endear Spain to the colonized.  Only very basic minimum needs of the people were provided by the Spanish colonialist.  Also, Spain took pains not to offend the religious sensibilities of the people and there was little or no intermarriage between the Spanish colonialists and the native Saharawi.  At the same time, there was the massive exploitation of the resources of the people by Spain.  The rich fishing and later phosphates resources of the Western Sahara came in handy for Spain.  The Saharawi people therefore resorted to armed struggle and made Spanish rule fragile.  Notable figures emerged among the Saharawi to organise resistance against foreign rule.  The Saharawi themselves got a sense of common identity partly as a result of the foreign domination they experienced with its attendant exploitation. One of the early leaders of Saharawi liberation struggle was Ma’elAineen who coordinated Saharawi resistance to the French as they made incursions from the North, South and East of the Western Sahara from the 1880s.⁹  When Spain began to move into the interior of the Western Sahara, she was allowed on the condition that she would not disarm the Saharawis.¹⁰Saharawi resistance to foreign rule and presence intensified in the 1940s and 1950s as a result of the exploitation of the resources of the people.Saharawi resistance was also encouraged by the outbreak of liberation struggles in many parts of the world.  There was a liberation struggle in neighbouring Algeria.  The widespread phenomenon of liberation struggle helped in gaining international recognition for the Saharawi.  Western Sahara was discussed as a separate entity in the United Nations.

            This was the situation until 1975, when a combination of factors among which was the intensity of the liberation struggle and Spanish domestic politics led to Spanish withdrawal from the Western Sahara. However, unlike in most cases of decolonization, Spain did not hand over power to the indigenous people but went into an agreement with both Mauritania and Morocco to occupy the Western Sahara.  This was the notorious Madrid agreement of November 14, 1975.¹¹

            It can be noted in passing that just like the Berlin African Congress of 1884/85 when the European countries divided nearly the whole of Africa among themselves without any reference to the Africans, the Madrid agreement of 1975 among Spain, Mauritania and Morocco did not refer to the indigenes of the Western Sahara.  However, Spain had forgotten that the world of 1975 was different from that of 1884/1885.  There were two important differences in global geopolitics of 1884/85 and 1975.  In 1884/85, there was no multilateral organization such as the United Nations which obliged nations of the world to observe certain rules they had mutual agreed to.  The second very important difference was the existence of rules of international law to which member nations are signatory.  These differences placed some difficulties in the ways of all the parties concerned in the Western Sahara saga.  By 1975, not only had the United Nations with its Charter being in existence for thirty years, the canon of international laws in governing therelations of nations with themselves and the world had become clear.  On the African continent, the Organisation of African Unity with its ownCharter which governed relations among African nations to the extent that such Charter did not conflict with international law in general had also been in existence.  Provisions of the Charter of the U.N.O. and O.A.U. as will be shown presently called to question, the actions of Spain, Mauritania and Morocco on the Western Sahara question.  What then are the provisions of these two bodies namely the U.N.O. and O.A.U. which militated against the Spanish, Mauritanian and Moroccan action and how did the bodies react to the situation?

THE WESTERN SAHARA AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

            I should make it clear from the beginning that I am not a lawyer and I do not by any means pretend to be one. However, as a student of diplomatic history, we are exposed to the dictates of international law as explained by students of international law for analysis.  It is on this platform that I make my views known on the Western Sahara issue in the light of international law.  Spain, the colonial master of Western Sahara became a member of the U.N. in 1955.  To that extent, she agreed to be bound by provisions of the Charter of the world body.  Upon becoming a member of the U.N.O., Spain had attempted to define Western Sahara as its province rather than as a colony which the territory was.  A province just like a state in the Nigerian context is an integral part of a country.  However, a colony is recognized as distinct from, though subjugated by another country. Spain failed in its bid to get Western Sahara recognized as a province as the territory was classified as a Non-Self-Governing territory under the hegemony of Spain. Apart from Spain, Portugal had also attempted to define some of her overseas colonies in Africa as provinces rather than colonies. The Portuguese and Spanish attempts were instrumental to the United Nations General Assembly’s adoption of resolution 1541 (XV) of 1960.  This resolution stated that Article 73 of the United Nations’ Charter dealing with the issue of Non-Self-Governing territories should be applicable to Western Sahara.¹²

            The resolution states that “prima facie there is an obligation to transmit information in respect of a territory which is geographically separate and is distinct ethically and or culturally from the country administering it”.¹³Resolution 1541 (XV) was then followed by Resolution 1514 (XV).  This resolution states, inter alia, that: “Immediate steps shall be taken in trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or all other territories which have not yet attained independence, to transfer all powers to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire without any distinction as to race, creed or colour in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom”.¹⁴

            In the light of these two resolutions, Spain as a member of the U.N. was obliged to transmit information about Western Sahara as a Non-Self-Governing territory since she had recognized the territory as such.  She also had the duty to comply with resolution 1514 (XV).  Spain failed in these two obligations.  Rather than fulfil her obligations as stated above, Spain entered into the November 14, 1975 agreement with both Mauritania and Morocco thereby breaching another principle of international law.  This is the international law principle of Jus Cogens.  This was a principle introduced into international law in the 1969 Vienna Convention on the law of treaties.¹⁵  Article 53 of the Convention states that:

            “A treaty is void if at the time of its conclusion it conflicts with a peremptory norm of general international law”.  A peremptory norm of general is a norm accepted and recognized by the international community of states as a whole as a norm from which no derogation is permitted and which can be modified only by a subsequent norm of international law having the same character.¹⁶

            It must be pointed out that like other provisions of international law, this principle is binding only on members of the international community that have ratified it.  Not all members of the international community of states have ratified this principle.  However, both Spain and Morocco are among the membersof the international community that have ratified the principle of Jus Cogens.¹⁷  The implication of this is that since both Morocco and Spain recognised both resolutions 1514(XV) and 1541(XV), the Madrid agreement of 14^th November, 1975 was a nullity ab initio, void and also of no effect under international law.  It has already been pointed out that even when Morocco was making incursion into areas close to the Western Sahara in the 16^th and 17^th Century, she admitted that her authority did not extend to the areas that today constitute Western Sahara.  Spanish agreement that resolution 1514 of 1960 applies to Western Sahara implies that Spain recognized that the territory was and still is geographically ethnically and culturally different from Spain. Going ahead to alienate the territory without reference to the people of Western Sahara is a breach of this norm of international law.  Morocco was and still, is a member of the U.N. which also acknowledged resolution 1514 (XV) which she has ratified.  Morocco also has breached her treaty obligation.  In addition, Morocco was a founding member of the Organisation of African Unity.  In 1964, the Organisation resolved that inherited colonial boundaries, though imperfect, will be accepted as they were at the time of independence.  Morocco was a signatory to this agreement.  As at the time of her independence in 1956, the international boundaries of Morocco clearly excluded the areas of modern day Western Sahara.  Proceeding to enter into an agreement purporting to alienate the Western Sahara is a breach of this collective agreement of the O.A.U.  Even though Morocco has since left the O.A.U. and succeeding A.U.; she remains a member of the U.N.  Hence, the breach of Jus Cogenson the part of Morocco continues.

            In acceding to the Madrid treaty of 1975, Morocco wrongly based her claim on pre-colonial affiliations with the Western Sahara.  This claim was robustly and rightly refuted by the POLISARIO Front.  This elicited an International Court of Justice’s opinion in 1975.  In the ruling, the ICJ in 1975 held that “The materials and information presented to it do not establish any tie of territorial sovereignty between the territory of Western Sahara and the Kingdom of Morocco or the Mauritanian entity. Thus the Court has not found legal ties of such a nature as might affect the application of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) in the decolonization of Western Sahara and, in particular, of the principle of self-determination through the free and genuine expression of the will of the peoples of the Territory”.¹⁸

            This leads us to another legal issue in the Western Sahara.  The right to self-determination.Although Morocco, Spain and Mauritania recognized resolution 1514 (XV), they went ahead to conclude the Madrid agreement of 14^thNovember, 1975.  Since joining the U.N., Spain recognized the Western Sahara to be aNon-Self-Governing territory, which meant that she was under the obligation not to do anything to prevent the exercise of self-determination by the people of the Western Sahara.  The Madrid agreement among Spain, Mauritania and Morocco, apart from being void on the ground of the principle of peremptory norm, also violates the obligation of Spain and all parties to the agreement not to do anything to hinder the exercise of self-determination by the people of the Western Sahara.  Hence, on the basis of international law and historical antecedents, the people of Western Sahara can argue that Spain, Mauritania and Morocco’s agreement has infringed on the right conferred on them be resolution 1514 (XV) and can invoke the law any time to nullify the basis of Moroccan occupation.  This was what the Baltic nations did against the defunct Soviet Union fifty years after the Soviet acquired their territory under a similar agreement.¹⁹

            Also, the Moroccan continued occupation of the Western Sahara violates the peremptory norm of non-aggression in international law.  The United Nations’ General Assembly in its resolution 3314 of 1974, defines aggression as “the invasion or attack by armed forces of a state of the territory of another state, or any military occupation, however temporary resulting from such invasion or attack, or any annexation by the use of force of the territory of another state thereof”.²⁰  This definition squarely describes what Morocco has done in relation to Western Sahara.  It is surprising that the United Nations has not gone all out to condemn this act of Morocco for what it is.  The Western Sahara with its name Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic is a state recognized by the African Union that still suffers the occupation by another state.  The continued acquiescence of the international community in itself also constitutes a breach of their obligation to oppose Morocco in its act of aggression against the SADR.  The ICJ has clearly determined the invalidity of the title to an alien land  by external occupying states and the obligation of other states not to recognize that title as valid.  This was in the case of Palestine versus Israel in the occupied territory where the ICJ ruled that Israeli occupation is a violation of Palestinian right to exercise self-determination over the occupied territory.²¹  Other states that continue to deal with Morocco on the basis of her occupation of the Western Sahara have made themselves accessory to the crime of aggression and are thereby vicariously guilty of the same offence.  This is particularly the case with such countries that conclude fishing and phosphates agreements with Morocco to exploit the rich resources of the SADR rather than concluding the agreement with the SADR itself.  The cooperation of other countries either by directly concluding agreements with Morocco relating to the Western Sahara or indirectly not condemning the occupation has gone a long way in prolonging the Western Saharan question.  What then had been the reaction of the international community to the Western Saharan crisis?

INVOLVEMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

            The international community has not reacted in the same way to the Western Sahara crisis.  Both bilaterally and multilaterally, the Western Sahara crisis has elicited equivocal reactions.  On one hand, the international community has at multilateral fora such as the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity now turned African Union not supported the Moroccan occupation.  On the other hand, they have not gone the full length of condemning the Moroccan breach of international law and obligations the way that they should and this had been a major reason for the continuation of Moroccan action.  At bilateral levels, while a vast majority of the states in the international community are not in support of the Moroccan action, Morocco is not without her friends over the issue of the Western Sahara.  We shall look at the involvement of the international community through multilateral fora first.

            The United Nations through several actions has shown its disapproval of the Moroccan action.  In admitting Spain to membership, the UNO obliged the country to disclose its Non-Self-Governing territories that should ultimately be entitled to self-determination.  Spain initially resisted this move but ultimately gave in.  It was largely due to the UN action that the Western Sahara was included in the list of Non-Self-Governing territories in 1963 and Spain was recognized as its administering power in 1965.²²  This act of the United Nations made WesternSahara entitled to the benefits of General Assembly’s resolutions 1514 (XV) and 1541 (XV) of 1960.  Similarly, it was through the United Nations action that the POLISARIOliberation movement was recognized as the sole and legitimate representative of the people of Western Sahara.  When Spain announced her intention to decolonize the Western Sahara and Morocco objected on the ground that the territory had been its integral part before Spanish colonization, it was the General Assembly of the UN that organized a visiting mission to the Western Sahara.  This visiting mission refuted the Moroccan claim and formed the basis of the ICJ opinion of 1975.  This opinion made it inevitable that a referendum which up till date hasnot been held was mandated to determine the fate of Western Sahara.²³

            Similarly, the Organisation of African Unity while it existed also was deeply involved in the Western Sahara issue.  As a matter of fact, the fate of Western Sahara at a stage threatened the corporate existence of the OAU as it divided member states and prevented the holding of both ministerial and summit meetings of the OAU for three consecutive years in the early 70s and early 80s.  The 26^th meeting of the OAU ministerial council which was held between 26^th February and 3^rd March 1973, could not reach a decision because of Mauritanian and Moroccan objections to the recognition of the SADR.²⁴  The 13^th OAU Summit at Port Louis in Mauritius in 1976, called for an extraordinary summit of the OAU to discuss the Western Sahara issue.  This did not take place because of the division among OAU members.  From 1973 when the POLISARIO movement made its debut, OAU remained divided until 1984 when Morocco withdrew in protest from the continental body because of the recognition of the SADR and its invitation to participate in the summit.

            In 1978, the OAU decided to set up an ad hoc committee of five heads of state to find a solution to the Western Sahara problem in a way compatible with self-determination for the people of the SADR.   The committee which consisted of Guinea, Cote d’Ivoire, Mali, Nigeria, Sudan, established a sub-committee which consisted of Nigeria and Mali.  Tanzania had been a member of the committee but withdrew after recognizing the SADR.  The sub-committee recommended that a propitious atmosphere for the establishment and maintenance of peace in the region, the observance of a general ceasefire and the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara by means of general fora OAU supervised referendum.²⁵

            This recommendation was adopted in 1979.  At the same time, Mauritania withdrew from Western Sahara and Morocco simply moved in to occupy the territory vacated by Mauritania.  Since then, the Western Sahara question continued to threaten the existence of the OAU.  Its recommendation for the holding of a referendum in 1991, was adopted by the UNO but frustrated by Morocco.

            The Western Sahara has remained a recurring decimal ever since in the equation of liberation struggle in Africa.  Efforts at liberating the country have not proceeded beyond rhetoric at gatherings of diplomats. The liberation struggle in the Western Sahara was also cut up in the geopolitics of the cold war and of the Maghrebian region.  As a liberation movement, the POLISARIO Frontwas affiliated with socialist movements and liberation struggles worldwide.  Such movements were protégées of the defunct Soviet Union.  Algeria the main supporter of the POLISARIO Front was also in cordial relations with the Soviet Union.  On the other hand, the U.S. was ideologically opposed to the Soviet camp.  Western Sahara was cut up in this web.  The U.S. was firmly in support of Morocco with which she had trading agreements.  This affected the Liberation struggle in the Western Sahara. American antagonism to Libya and Algeria also affected her perception of the Western Sahara.  The socialist bloc on the other hand, did not see the Maghreb as a major theatre of the cold war and so did not go all out to join issues with Morocco and the U.S. over the Western Sahara.  In any case, members of the Socialist bloc (major protagonists in the cold war) had good trading relations with Morocco.

It is gratifying that civil society organizations still continue to demonstrate solidarity with the POLISARIO Front to keep the hope of liberation alive.  It will therefore be useful to know why the liberation struggle for the Western Sahara has remained the way it is in order to be able to chart a new way forward.

LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN THE WESTERN SAHARA

SO FAR AND WAY FORWARD

            The liberation struggle in Western Sahara has remained the way it is for a host of reasons. The first among this is the collective responsibility of the international community.  It has been shown that Spain, Morocco and Mauritania at different times breached their peremptory obligations as regard the principles of self-determination and aggression.  The international community acquiesced to this infraction by not taking the appropriate action to call the countries to order but simply resorted to resolutions that were ignored with impunity.  The Moroccan claim of pre-colonial affiliation as a basis for the occupation of Western Sahara for example, was the same reason given by Sadam’s Iraq to occupy Kuwait. Yet while the international community found it expedient to punish Iraqi pretensions, it prevaricates doing the same to Morocco.  As we have pointed out above, the conclusion of the Madrid agreement of 14^th November 1975 was a violation of the international principle of Jus Cogens.  It was a basis for repudiating Soviet acquisition of Baltic States (which the Soviet Union acquired in 1939) in 1989.  The same consideration secured East Timor’s independence from Indonesian illegal occupation.  The international community continues to prevaricate.  The Moroccan aggression and deprivation of the right of the Sahrawi to self-determination hasnot been properly recognised for what it is.

            Also, both the OAU and its successor, the A.U. have not treated the Western Sahara issue the way it should.  The OAU, among other things, committed itself to the total liberation of Africa from colonialism and supremacist racist regimes.  As long as it is recognized that resolution 1514 (XV) applies to the Western Sahara, the liberation of Africa remains an unfinished task.  Both bodies have not seen the Western Sahara question from this perspective and taken the necessary step in that direction.

            As a continent made up of former colonies, Africa is used to decolonization in both its liberal and radical forms.  Africa has witnessed the rise and fall of apartheid, Portuguese imperialism in Southern part of Africa, South Africa’s abuse and illegal occupation of Namibia to mention but a few.  Africa evolved appropriate tactics and strategy to tackle these forms of imperialism and colonialism.  The end is the liberation of these African states today.The Western Sahara has not seen the use of these methods of liberation struggle.

            Furthermore, African countries should rise in unison to ensure the liberation of the Western Sahara.  The A.U. should put behind it the internal divisions of the OAU which used to prevent joint actions against Morocco which fortunately or unfortunately remains outside the continental body.

            To do this, Africa should combine all the techniques it used to end apartheid, illegal occupation of Namibia, the liberation of Portuguese colonies and Zimbabwe to ensure the liberation of Western Sahara.  This will entail getting the whole world to declare continued Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara as a crime against humanity.  This should be followed with the establishment ofa Special Committee on Western Sahara Liberation in the United Nations just as there was a UN Special Committee on Apartheid.

            Also, since we have claimed that the liberation of Africa is an unfinished task as long as the Western Sahara remains occupied, the A.U. should resuscitate the O.A.U. liberation committee with appropriate contributions from member states both financially and military to assist the liberation struggle in the Western Sahara. 

            In the same vein, external support for the POLISARIO Frontshould be boosted.  Hitherto, military support for the POLISARIO Front had come from Algeria and other friendly countries. Apart from that, external support for the POLISARIO Front had been more moral than material.  There is a need for more material support.

            Equally necessary is the need for the A.U. to resume the diplomatic onslaught that ended apartheid. Since Morocco has abandoned the A.U.; there is no harm in ostracizing imperial Morocco the way apartheid South Africa was ostracized before the liquidation of Apartheid.  This is to say that the A.U. should boycott all economic and cultural relations with Morocco until it vacates the Western Sahara and campaign for the international community to do the samejust as was done for apartheid South Africa.  This will see all African states refusing to participate in the Olympic, World Cup, African Games and all other sporting engagements in which imperial Morocco is participating.  They should follow this up by also crusading for the expulsion of Morocco from major world bodies just as was done for apartheid South Africa.  By so doing, the A.U. would be sending a message of seriousness to the world about the liberation of Western Sahara and ending colonialism in Africa.

            Efforts should also be made to have frontline states that will provide external basis for the POLISARIO Front.  This role is best served by neighbouring countries such as Algeria and Mauritania.   Such frontline states would provide safe havens for the training of POLISARIO cadres, receipt of foreign assistance and provision of health care facilities for the liberation fighters.

            Last but notthe least, as was the case with Namibia, there should be African countries ready to take Morocco to the ICJ for its continued illegal occupation of Western Sahara.  This will keep the liberation struggle in the consciousness of the international community and ultimately ensure the liberation of Western Sahara and end colonialism in Africa.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1.       http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/western (Accessed 18/10/13)

2.       Nigerian Standard, 23-11-77.

3.       Ibid.

4.       Ibid.

5.       http://en.wikipedia.org/wii/history-of-western-sahara (Accessed 18/10/13)

6.       Jose IgnaeioAlgueroCuervo “The Ancient History of Western Sahara and the Spanish Colonisation of the Territory” in Karin Arts Pedro PunitoLeite (ed) International Law and the Question of Western Sahara, Papers of The International Conference on The Western Sahara, 2006, p. 26.

7.       Ibid.

8.       Ibid.

9.       Toby Shelley, “Resistence and Colonialism: Building the Saharawi Identity” in Karin Arts Pedro Pinto Leite (ed) International Law and - - - op cit., p. 31.

10.   Op cit., p. 32.

11.   Daily Sketch of 2/01/1978.

12.   Roger Clark, “Western Sahara and the United Nations Norms on Self Determinations” in Karin Arts Pedro Pinto Leite International Law and the Questions - - - op. cit., p. 46.

13.   Ibid.

14.   Ibid.

15.   LauriHannikainen “The Case of Western Sahara from the Perspective of Jus Cogens” in Karin Arts - - - op. cit., p. 59.

16.   Ibid.

17.   Ibid.

18.   Advisory Opinion on Western Sahara, 1975, ICJ, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/index.php?sum=323&p1=3&p2=4&case=61&p3=5, (accessed 24-10-13).

19.   LawriHanuilkainen “The Case - - -, p. 60

20.   Koger Clark Western Sahara and the United Nations - - - , p. 55.

21.   LauriHannikainean, The Case ---, p. 76.

22.   Eduardo Trillo De Martins – Pinillos “Spain as Administering Power of Western Sahara in Karin Arts - - - , p. 80.

23.   Ibid.

24.   Nigerian Herald 24-11-1982.

25.   Ibid.

26.   http://en.wikipedia.org/wii/polisario-front (Accessed 21-10-13).

African conference for solidarity with the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, 28^th-30^th October, 2013, Abuja – Nigeria.

LIBERATING THE WESTERN SAHARA:

ENDING COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Second Panel:

Action On Armed Violence (AOAV)

Saving lives and supporting livelihoods through humanitarian mine action in Western Sahara.

By

Mr. Ahmed Sid Ali, Country Manager of the British NGO, Action On Armed Violence AOAV, UK.

Overview and History of the Programme

Western Sahara is littered with explosive remnants of war. It is potentially one of the world’s most heavily contaminated areas, yet there is little international awareness of the scale and ongoing impact of the problem. Deadly unexploded ordnance (UXO) and landmines continue to pose unacceptable risks to the Saharawi population and limit their ability to develop economically and socially.

Since 2007, Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has cleared over 25 million m2 of land of cluster munitions, landmines and other explosive remnants of war from the eastern half of Western Sahara. AOAV provides 24/7 emergency response in case of mine/UXO-related accidents; AOAV’s medics are often the only life-line for communities living in remote areas. AOAV also helps the Saharawi build their own capacity in mine action, training its local staff to international mine action standards and developing technical expertise within POLISARIO in collaboration with UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS).

AOAV also identifies and supports the victims of landmines and UXO, of which 1,340 have been registered by AOAV’s partner, the Saharawi Association for the Victims of Mines (ASAVIM).  AOAV and ASAVIM recently developed a pilot project to assist almost 100 survivors to build their socio-economic independence.

AOAV’s clearance work is conducted with the support of UNMAS and the Norwegian government, which also supports AOAV’s victim assistance programme.

Achievements

AOAV has cleared over 25,000,000 sq metres of land, found and destroyed over 23,000 dangerous items all while providing 24/7 lifesaving emergency medical response and building the capacity of local authorities in mine action.

In addition to weapons removal, AOAV has supported victims of ERW. We have surveyed over 1,340 victims of ERW and provide livelihoods support to victims.

AOAV Activities

AOAV’s activities range from battlefield clearance to victim assistance projects that I will go through in more detail now.

AOAV has worked in partnership with MINURSO, particularly the Mine Action Coordination Centre (MACC) which has provided support to the programme.

AOAV also works in close cooperation with POLISARIO representatives including local liaison officers who provide logistic support to the programme and useful geographic and historic information for the surveyed regions.

Battle Area Clearance

Since 2007, Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has cleared over 25 million m2 of land of cluster munitions, landmines and other explosive remnants of war from the eastern half of Western Sahara.

The territory still contains high levels of contamination and the people of Western Sahara continue to live with the threat of explosive remnants of war (ERW).

Mechanical Clearance

AOAV has also been able to expand its mine action programme to include mechanical clearance.

To date, AOAV has cleared 502,368 square meters of land through mechanical clearance

Victim Assistance

In 2012, AOAV and the local Saharawi Victims’ Association (ASAVIM) solidified their partnership in developing the victim assistance needs assessment and database and work to support victims and survivors of ERW.

With partners and stakeholders AOAV identified five priorities:

1.      improving access to livelihoods opportunities;

2.      improving access to quality health care and medical services;

3.      enhancing capacities and skills and improving access to training and education opportunities for survivors;

4.       promoting the rights of and strengthening legal protection for survivors and rights of people with disabilities; and

5.      deepening survey process and data collection and sharing.

Survivors Cooperatives

Part of AOAV’s victim assistance programme includes expanding the micro-grants scheme to support more survivors and provide training and capacity building to AOAV’s local partner ASAVIM (Saharawi Mine Victims’ Association).

The Microgrants project was welcomed  by survivors, families and  authorities.

21 Cooperatives were funded in 2012

98 survivors benefited from project out of 159 applications received.

27 Cooperatives were funded in 2013, with 116 survivors benefited.

In 2013, AOAV  developed a new part re-payment scheme to encourage independence, were 10 Cooperatives funded from 2012 cooperatives.

Sidi’s Story

SidiBoyemhaBibi is one of the beneficiaries of the Micro grants project

Like many of the other beneficiaries, he is an ERW survivor supporting a large family.

He and 2 other cooperative members received a grant of 300,000 DZD for a 6 month cattle raising project.

With the 30% profit from each goat, Sidi hopes to grow fodder and build an enclosure to continue this business. 

National Capacity Building

As a humanitarian organisation AOAV is committed to building the professional skills of its Saharawi staff. All operational staff received the required demining drills and exercises and was assessed accordingly.

AOAV is working to establish a Saharawi Mine Action Coordination Centre for more effective Mine Action coordination.

AOAV supports with producing national Mine Action standards and MA Strategy.

AOAV is assisting Polisario in its process for stockpiles distruction, where Polisario destroyed up to know over 10.000 AP on 4 stages.

Developing Programmes: Land Productivity

With local agricultural engineers and international specialists, AOAV has developed plans for pilot sustainable land productivity projects to enable affected communities to use cleared land for sustainable livelihoods.

The proposed project involves training local communities and survivor cooperatives to start gardens in cleared areas to increase agricultural initiatives and build technical capacity that will create sustainable livelihoods for Saharawi communities.

Developing Programmes continued: Gender Focused Projects

AOAV is committed to ensuring gender sensitivity in its mine action work.

Since the beginning of AOAV’s focus on gender and mine action, AOAV has made a number of positive steps towards increasing its gender sensitivity within the Western Sahara programme.

In 2012, AOAV developed a gender assessment methodology in consultation with the Gender and Mine Action Programme (GMAP), Gender Peace and Security (GAPS-UK) and an independent expert. The gender assessment aimed to evaluate and identify areas of improvement for AOAV’s mine action programme on a number of levels – including examining programme design, implementation and impact – in relation to how its programme in Western Sahara interacts with the local context. As a framework, the assessment methodology used the UN Gender Guidelines for Mine Action Programmes. The audit focused on human resources, victim assistance, clearance and mine risk education.

Future Work

In addition to AOAV’s ongoing clearance work, AOAV has plans to continue to expand and deepen its work in support of mine action, victim assistance, and work with vulnerable communities.  This includes training and deploying additional manual deminers, building the capacity of theSaharawi authorities to take great leadership in mine action, providing additional grants and partial loans to victims’ cooperatives, and conducting livelihood projects to generate sustainable economic opportunities for landmine and UXO victims, their families, and vulnerable groups such as youth and women

In the future, AOAV plans to conduct a survey of the 5km buffer zone around the Morocco’s Berm, as the majority of accident took place in this area, and civilians are exposed to accident  due to minefield and migration of mined after floods and heavy rains.

One proposed programme would target youth and violence, encouraging young men and women to use non-violent means to resolve frustration with their political situation. 

African conference for solidarity with the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, 28^th-30^th October, 2013, Abuja – Nigeria.

LIBERATING THE WESTERN SAHARA:

ENDING COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Speech by Vice President of Pan African Parliament Sueilma Beiruk 

On behalf of the President of the Pan African Parliament, H.E Hon. Bethel Amadi Nnaemeka I would like to express our gratitude to the organizers of the African Conference of Solidarity with the Struggle of the Saharawi people for inviting us to this important event.  I would also like to thank the National Labour Congress, the civil society and the people of Nigeria for their hospitality.

Since its foundation the PAP has always been following closely the developments of the Western Sahara conflict as the last decolonization case in our continent. We consider the right to self-determination, the respect for human rights and the achievement of our peoples’ welfare towards the continental integration as key principles in compliance with the objectives and principles of the African Union charter and the protocol establishing the PAP.

The Western Sahara conflict has always been on the agenda of the Pan-African Parliament. As representatives of the African peoples we have an essential commitment to defending the right of the people of Western Sahara to self- determination. In this sense, the PAP has carried out several initiatives for a greater awareness on the issue of Western Sahara.

PAP has endorsed numerous resolutions on Western Sahara. It has deployed missions of support and solidarity and organized sessions with Saharawi human rights activists to update the Pan African Parliament on the situation in the occupied territories. These initiatives culminated in the election of a Sahrawi MP as vice president of the Pan-African Parliament coinciding with the fiftieth anniversary of our continental organization.

 As vice president of the Pan African Parliament and as a Saharawi woman representing her people in this African institution I would like to express on behalf of the President of the Pan African Parliament our satisfaction to be present in this African conference of solidarity with the Saharawi people and wish to reiterate our continued commitment to put an end to the suffering of one of our sister countries in the continent.

 We believe that time has come for the UN and African Union to double their efforts so that the Saharawi people can enjoy their inalienable right to freedom and independence as the rest of the African countries.

Once again, thank you for the invitation and I wish you success in your deliberations.

African conference for solidarity with the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, 28^th-30^th October, 2013, Abuja – Nigeria.

LIBERATING THE WESTERN SAHARA:

ENDING COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Testimony of Commander Ese Okiti, rtd, former MINURSO Chief of Staff, Nigeria

 Greetings (Protocol)

1.       It is a rare privilege to be here  and for this august gathering to spare the time  to listen to me. Although  I was military man, I was always captivated by the concept  and existence  of the United Nations (UN) a body  bringing humanity together as one big family. Although  schooled in War, I have always been fascinated  by the UN peace projects especially  its peace keeping  programmes; the idea of assembling soldiers  from various parts of the world to keep peace in various part of our admittedly volatile world.

2.       I never expected to be part of such a peace keeping family; so understandably I was shocked  and pleasantly surprise  when in 2004, I was nominated  to go on a peace keeping mission for the world body. I was then a Wing Commander in the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) and I was to be Military Observer (MILOB) in the United Nations Mission for the Referendum  in Western Sahara (MINURSO).

3.       I left  Nigeria on 10^th April, 2004 through Paris and Casablanca and arrived Laayoune on 11^th April, 2004 and was lodged in Lakuaza hotel. I reported  at MINURSO force headquarters (FHQ) on 12^th April, 2004 for a one year tour of duty and took over as the Contingent Commander (CONTICO) of the Nigerian Contingent . After completing  the mandatory  5-day in processing  program, I was deployed  to Team site (TS) Tifariti in the POLISARIO side of the North sector. We were airlifted  to the desert and finally arrived  Tifariti; there were no houses  as we knew them; we stayed in tents called weather heavens. Also, there only Saharawis.

And in the six months I spent there, our basic duty was to monitor  the ceasefire between the Moroccan Armed Forces and the POLISARIO. We checked  what we called  order of Battle (ORBAT). We went on patrols, check the weapons of the POLISARIO, whether they have increased or reduced. If there are any discrepancies, we query  them and informed  MINURSO FHQ. If there is any arms or ammunitions  movement , they have to apply for permission  to the UN through  MINURSO FHQ. I was there when the Twelfth Congress  and the Thirty Fifth anniversary  of the POLISARIO and open session of the Saharawi Parliament  held. It was a carnival - like event for the people, as foreign  delegates , foreign dignitaries and international  media and press were there also. But for me it was a hectic  and joyous  period  because  of the large influx of people and to add to my pleasure, I did not understand a sentence  of what they were discussing as I did not understand a sentence of what they were discussing as I did not speak or understand Arabic, Spanish or French. I was overwhelmed  to see an oppressed  people coming together and being supported  by the presence  of people  from other countries.

4.       Tifariti is a desert area and life for the people was quite tough.  When we went  on patrol, we usually give out water packs to them, water was the most difficult  thing to get. We also gave out food packs from our ration. This was completely  a private initiative, not  official, but given the pitiable condition on the ground, this to us seemed the natural thing to do. They are mainly nomads, so by the time we are returning we won’t see them, they would have moved on due to sand storm and other unforeseen circumstances.

However, despite what I will described as their desperate situation, they seemed quite contented that they were in their homestead free from what they regarded as foreign  rule and colonization. The Saharawis I met on the side, what is referred to as the “liberated side” were quite free. They went wherever pleased them and there were no human right abuses.At least non occurred to my understanding throughout the six months I stayed there. The only contact we had there were with POLISARIO soldiers. They seemed to like us and appeared grateful. Whenever they come across us their faces lit up. It also appeared that they specially loved Nigerians.

5.       I was the patrol leader and my driver was an Egyptian officer, once we went to a Saharawi camp, the camp commander was so excited  that he was meeting a Nigerian, he killed  a young camel and gave me to eat with traditional three cups of tea. I was  told it is a tradition in honour of a royal guest. I also learnt  that the Saharawis believe that Nigeria is a consistent and principled  country  when it comes to the issue of decolonization of the entire African continent especially the “last colony”.

6.       Let me explain  that Western Sahara is cut into two by a Morrocan wall called  the BERM. On the Saharawi side we have five team sites (ITS), these are Tifariti, Bir Lehlou, Mehaires, Mijek and Agwanit. On the other side controlled  by the Morocans we have four team sites, Mahbas, Smara, Oum Dreyga and Aswad, while laayoune is the UN headquarters. It should be noted that Tindouf is used as a liaison office  which is responsible  for the POLISARIO government in exile at Rabouni (Algeria). This office has no team site.

7.       In October 2004, I was posted to the force headquarters in Laayoune as the Chief Military Personnel Officer (CMPO). I also acted  as the Chief of Staff (CSO) military  and force commander  (FC) while the incumbents were away on leave and on duty outside  the mission area respectively. It is also worthy to note that I invited  the Nigerian Ambassador  to Moroco to come to MINURSO. He came and was briefed by the SRSG and the FC on the current situation in Western Sahara. He was the first  Ambassador  of an African nation to visit  MINURSO. His commendation on me made my stay in the mission to be extended  by three  months by the Nigerian government. I stayed at Nagjir hotel.

Morocans and Saharawis live together  in laayoune and we in the UN went around town without difficulty as both sides respected  the UN. On every typical  street in Laayoune, the Moroccans stationed a soldier  and a policeman each at the beginning  and end of the street. They randomly stop Saharawi youth to check their identity. It was in laayoune I witnessed  the demolition  of Saharawi houses. It reminded me of the force removal  of the black population by the apartheid  regime in the 1950s under the infamous  Group Area Act. The Saharawis protested  and their protest  was met with stiff oppositions where they were battered  and bulldozers  used to demolish  their houses. Some  of them were physically  beaten  and dehumanized. We could not do anything as our mandate does not include monitoring of human rights abuses.

8.       On 5^th March, 2005 which is the international women’s day, Saharawi women did a sit-in in the square in front of Nagjir hotel where I happened  to be staying. In the twinkling  of an eye, Moroccan  policemen  arrived  and baton-charged the defenceless women. Despite  the ferocious  attacks  of the Moroccan  policemen, the women seemed  to dig-in deeper, refusing to give up or move. They were physically  on the ground. I felt very bad witnessing  this level of violation by the policemen against clearly weaker and defenceless  women. Worse still I felt a sense of importence  as we could only watch  because  our mandate as MINURSO is to enforce the ceasefire and brutality  unfolding  before our eyes was live a conventional war. So we could not  enforce a ceasefire. I was convinced  that the UN since 1984 had adopted  the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and should not  stand by  and be a spectator in any part of the world when  fundamental human rights are being grossly abused. My mind also raced  to the genocide in Rwanda ten years earlier  (1994) which occurred  in the presence  of the UN troops who were constituted  under the United Nations Assembly  Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR).

But tragically, their mandate was primarily to monitor ceasefire lines. They had no power to intervene. Consequently, over 850,000 Rwandees mainly Tutsis were massacred  within a hundred days. A post mortem UN commission  concluded  that the failure by the United Nations to prevent  and subsequently  to stop the genocide  in Rwanda was a failure by the United Nations as a whole. I think that the world should  not allow  a repeat of the Rwanda situation anywhere in  the world. Hence  I felt, and still feel quite strongly  that the mandate of the MINURSO should  be expanded  to include  the protection of fundamental human rights in Western Sahara.

9.       Another event I witnessed was in the same Nagjir square in May 2005. Saharawi youths were protesting  peacefully  with flags when Moroccans  youth carrying  their country flag arrived  to confront them. The Moroccan policemen  arrived and violently dispersed  the Saharawi youths. We had no mandate to separate both sides or intervene, so the order was given that all MINURSO staff should evacuate the area so that we were not caught  in the violence. We had to leave and take refuge in Sahara line hotel till the fracas subsided.

10.     Majority of the Saharawis lived mainly in poor houses, many of them not fit for human habitation. The Moroccans government  had gone to build some modern  houses for the Saharawis but the latter  refused to move in arguing  that the new houses were not built by their government  and that since they do not recognize  Moroccan lordship over their ancestral homes, they cannot live in houses built by Moroccans. Again, the Moroccans beat and forced the Saharawis to move into the new shelters.

11.     These were the main acts of human rights abuses i witnessed. Although  my fellow MILOBs reported  several cases  while the Saharawis  made frequent reports of police  brutality, detentions and other human rights abuses. I also know from experience  in Western Sahara that neither the Red Cross nor the United Nation’s High Commission  for Refugees  can monitor  human rights in the territory.

12.     Let me clarify that these human rights abuses including  the one  we witnessed did not form part of our reports because  like I have explained. It is not part of our mandate. This is precisely  why MINURSO mandate should be expanded  to include  protection, monitoring and enforcement   of human rights in Western Sahara.

13.     I am aware that the United Nations office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) expressed  concern  about the human rights situation  in Western Sahara. Even Human Rights  Watch  are of the opinion  and indeed recommended  that the UN should include  human rights monitoring  and reporting  in both Western Sahara in the POLISARIO administered  camps in Algeria, in MINURSO mandate.

I am certain that if this is done, at the very least, Morocco will begin  to be cautious  knowing  that there will be independent and credible  reports of human rights  abuses  in the territory. And that it risks international sanctions, laayoune and other occupied  territories  are under military siege. International media, observers and NGOs are not allowed across to monitor human rights abuses.

14.     My fervent prayer is that the next time I am in Laayoune is for the Independence  Parade and Celebration of the Freedom of Western Sahara- The last Colony in Africa.

Thank you.             

African conference for solidarity with the struggle of the people of Western Sahara, 28^th-30^th October, 2013, Abuja – Nigeria.

LIBERATING THE WESTERN SAHARA:

ENDING COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Second Panel:

Action On Armed Violence (AOAV)

Saving lives and supporting livelihoods through humanitarian mine action in Western Sahara.

By

Mr. Ahmed Sid Ali, Country Manager of the British NGO, Action On Armed Violence AOAV, UK.

Overview and History of the Programme

Western Sahara is littered with explosive remnants of war. It is potentially one of the world’s most heavily contaminated areas, yet there is little international awareness of the scale and ongoing impact of the problem. Deadly unexploded ordnance (UXO) and landmines continue to pose unacceptable risks to the Saharawi population and limit their ability to develop economically and socially.

Since 2007, Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has cleared over 25 million m2 of land of cluster munitions, landmines and other explosive remnants of war from the eastern half of Western Sahara. AOAV provides 24/7 emergency response in case of mine/UXO-related accidents; AOAV’s medics are often the only life-line for communities living in remote areas. AOAV also helps the Saharawi build their own capacity in mine action, training its local staff to international mine action standards and developing technical expertise within POLISARIO in collaboration with UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS).

AOAV also identifies and supports the victims of landmines and UXO, of which 1,340 have been registered by AOAV’s partner, the Saharawi Association for the Victims of Mines (ASAVIM).  AOAV and ASAVIM recently developed a pilot project to assist almost 100 survivors to build their socio-economic independence.

AOAV’s clearance work is conducted with the support of UNMAS and the Norwegian government, which also supports AOAV’s victim assistance programme.

Achievements

AOAV has cleared over 25,000,000 sq metres of land, found and destroyed over 23,000 dangerous items all while providing 24/7 lifesaving emergency medical response and building the capacity of local authorities in mine action.

In addition to weapons removal, AOAV has supported victims of ERW. We have surveyed over 1,340 victims of ERW and provide livelihoods support to victims.

AOAV Activities

AOAV’s activities range from battlefield clearance to victim assistance projects that I will go through in more detail now.

AOAV has worked in partnership with MINURSO, particularly the Mine Action Coordination Centre (MACC) which has provided support to the programme.

AOAV also works in close cooperation with POLISARIO representatives including local liaison officers who provide logistic support to the programme and useful geographic and historic information for the surveyed regions.

Battle Area Clearance

Since 2007, Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) has cleared over 25 million m2 of land of cluster munitions, landmines and other explosive remnants of war from the eastern half of Western Sahara.

The territory still contains high levels of contamination and the people of Western Sahara continue to live with the threat of explosive remnants of war (ERW).

Mechanical Clearance

AOAV has also been able to expand its mine action programme to include mechanical clearance.

To date, AOAV has cleared 502,368 square meters of land through mechanical clearance

Victim Assistance

In 2012, AOAV and the local Saharawi Victims’ Association (ASAVIM) solidified their partnership in developing the victim assistance needs assessment and database and work to support victims and survivors of ERW.

With partners and stakeholders AOAV identified five priorities:

1.      improving access to livelihoods opportunities;

2.      improving access to quality health care and medical services;

3.      8enhancing capacities and skills and improving access to training and education opportunities for survivors;

4.       promoting the rights of and strengthening legal protection for survivors and rights of people with disabilities; and

5.      deepening survey process and data collection and sharing.

Survivors Cooperatives

Part of AOAV’s victim assistance programme includes expanding the micro-grants scheme to support more survivors and provide training and capacity building to AOAV’s local partner ASAVIM (Saharawi Mine Victims’ Association).

The Microgrants project was welcomed  by survivors, families and  authorities.

21 Cooperatives were funded in 2012

98 survivors benefited from project out of 159 applications received.

27 Cooperatives were funded in 2013, with 116 survivors benefited.

In 2013, AOAV  developed a new part re-payment scheme to encourage independence, were 10 Cooperatives funded from 2012 cooperatives.

Sidi’s Story

SidiBoyemhaBibi is one of the beneficiaries of the Micro grants project

Like many of the other beneficiaries, he is an ERW survivor supporting a large family.

He and 2 other cooperative members received a grant of 300,000 DZD for a 6 month cattle raising project.

With the 30% profit from each goat, Sidi hopes to grow fodder and build an enclosure to continue this business. 

National Capacity Building

As a humanitarian organisation AOAV is committed to building the professional skills of its Saharawi staff. All operational staff received the required demining drills and exercises and was assessed accordingly.

AOAV is working to establish a Saharawi Mine Action Coordination Centre for more effective Mine Action coordination.

AOAV supports with producing national Mine Action standards and MA Strategy.

AOAV is assisting Polisario in its process for stockpiles distruction, where Polisario destroyed up to know over 10.000 AP on 4 stages.

Developing Programmes: Land Productivity

With local agricultural engineers and international specialists, AOAV has developed plans for pilot sustainable land productivity projects to enable affected communities to use cleared land for sustainable livelihoods.

The proposed project involves training local communities and survivor cooperatives to start gardens in cleared areas to increase agricultural initiatives and build technical capacity that will create sustainable livelihoods for Saharawi communities.

Developing Programmes continued: Gender Focused Projects

AOAV is committed to ensuring gender sensitivity in its mine action work.

Since the beginning of AOAV’s focus on gender and mine action, AOAV has made a number of positive steps towards increasing its gender sensitivity within the Western Sahara programme.

In 2012, AOAV developed a gender assessment methodology in consultation with the Gender and Mine Action Programme (GMAP), Gender Peace and Security (GAPS-UK) and an independent expert. The gender assessment aimed to evaluate and identify areas of improvement for AOAV’s mine action programme on a number of levels – including examining programme design, implementation and impact – in relation to how its programme in Western Sahara interacts with the local context. As a framework, the assessment methodology used the UN Gender Guidelines for Mine Action Programmes. The audit focused on human resources, victim assistance, clearance and mine risk education.

Future Work

In addition to AOAV’s ongoing clearance work, AOAV has plans to continue to expand and deepen its work in support of mine action, victim assistance, and work with vulnerable communities.  This includes training and deploying additional manual deminers, building the capacity of theSaharawi authorities to take great leadership in mine action, providing additional grants and partial loans to victims’ cooperatives, and conducting livelihood projects to generate sustainable economic opportunities for landmine and UXO victims, their families, and vulnerable groups such as youth and women

In the future, AOAV plans to conduct a survey of the 5km buffer zone around the Morocco’s Berm, as the majority of accident took place in this area, and civilians are exposed to accident  due to minefield and migration of mined after floods and heavy rains.

One proposed programme would target youth and violence, encouraging young men and women to use non-violent means to resolve frustration with their political situation.