REFLECTIONS ON THE CHIBOK GIRLS - By Denja Yaqub

      REFLECTIONS ON THE CHIBOK GIRLS

                   By Denja Yaqub

Over ninety days since young school girls were abducted from their school; Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok, Borno State, north east Nigeria on April 14 2014, no success has been glaring on efforts to rescue the girls despite global outrage and promises by foreign governments, including global powers such as the United States, to get the girls out of captivity.

Indeed, a former Nigerian President, Olusegun Obasanjo was quoted in recent media reports to have said the failure of the Nigerian security forces to rescue the girls almost instantly after their abduction was because they never got directives to take such action since the Presidency didn't believe the girls were truly seized until the massive global condemnation, two weeks after.

Some organisations, including trade unions, the news media, political parties and outspoken individuals within and outside Nigeria have been loud in demanding for the safe rescue of these girls. Indeed, some organisations formed the BringBackOurGirls Coalition to sustain daily picket at the Millenium Park in Abuja. Mass protests have been held in Lagos by civil society organisations. The Nigeria Union of Teachers have had protest rallies across the country.

But instructively, these protests, especially the ones held in Abuja faced attacks from security agencies; the police whose commissioner in charge of its Federal Capital Territory Command, Joseph Mbu, addressed a press conference to announce a ban on public protests within the territory. Although his order was immediately disowned by the police headquarters while the organisers of the protests are in court to seek judicial coverage, it still meant a lot more that such order could have been contemplated in the first instance given the fact that a Federal High Court in Abuja, in June 2005, had given a plausible judgement declaring that the right of association and to peaceful protests in Nigeria cannot be circumscribed by anyone, including the police. This judgement was reaffirmed by the Federal Court of Appeal in September 2013.

The abduction of these girls is not just a major security breach but a scandalous exposure of our structural ineptitude to global ridicule. This is reinforced by the over politicisation of initial reactions to the incident, which were loathed with all sorts of trivialities.

Sadly, our politicians have not seen the socio economic implications of our collective security challenges, especially the ongoing violent campaigns by the notorious cannibal called Boko Haram, a group that obviously celebrates mass murder of innocent people under the false and unjustifiable claim that they operate under the auspices of Islam in propagation of its injunction for the purpose of achieving an Islamic state authority. Of course, better informed, well respected and prominent Islamic leaders, including the Sultan of Sokoto who is the spiritual head of the country's Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, have authoritatively debunked the claims of these adventurers.

The initial attitude of our government to this group perhaps expose official inclination to security as an item obviously considered less important despite huge budgetary allocations, which perhaps suggest such allocations are mere conduits for other purposes other than arresting insecurity.

Statements such as "Boko Haram is a faceless group" or "may be its our turn to have suicide bombings" which are statements credited to our country's Commander in Chief and President obviously underestimated the threats, capabilities and realities of the dangers posed by the terror gang.

With the strength and efficiency of Nigeria's security agencies, as attested to by the evident competencies displayed in peace keeping activities in other countries, it is clear that given the right directions and with non partisan commitments, perhaps terrorism would have been nipped before it took the country hostage. The fact is that with these attacks, the economy of the entire country is in spider speed.

The attitude of some countries to our agony obviously underscores and also exposes our collective lacklustre preparedness to confront terror. Terror, as against other violent hostilities, is indeed a crime against humanity and cannot be fought without communal participation. And sadly, key policy makers in Nigeria seem to believe foreign countries, especially those that have been under such attacks are the ones to route terrorism out of our country. Perhaps, not so. Some of these countries have interests other than fighting terrorism. There are underlying political and economic interests.

Terrorism is the worst of guerrilla warfare because it lacks popular ideological coloration. And only popular politics or popular political leadership or put simply, pro people governments can attract effective communal involvement in the battle against terrorism, which in itself is a result of bad governance or wrong attitude by governments to public management.

Terror attacks seem more like a response to governance. And that is perhaps why people will positively respond in collective resistance in some countries and won't in some others. It is worst when a government and its security forces become befuddled with partisan views and reactions to such attacks. Obviously, this is Nigeria's dilemma. The attacks and the reactions have been politicised or even ethnicised. This is a major threat to our collective aspirations for a strong, united and well governed country.

The Chibok Girls disappearance, just like the safety of all residents, should have taken prime attention before any other consideration by any government, no matter its political affiliation. But, the truth is until our political leaders reason beyond the visionless claps of hollow political supporters, even the security agencies may be seen as aiding opposition when they do their jobs in accordance with their professional competence.

What is required to govern a country is not likely to include discriminative understanding of grave national challenges by state officials. A national challenge does not bear tribal marks or emblems of political parties. What is required is to confront the challenges as a government while the citizens react as patriots who must see their individual and collective stake in the struggle against those challenges.

What the public and particularly the parents and friends of the kidnapped girls want to hear are not statements such as "we have located the Chibok girls" as the Nigerian military was quoted to have initially announced. Or that "we are closing in on the location of the Chibok girls". No. Perhaps those empowered to rescue the girls should tell us less of the location. Go quietly and bring back the girls unharmed.

Denja Yaqub is an Assistant Secretary at the headquarters of Nigeria Labour Congress

TRIBUTE TO AN UNCOMMON FIGHTER

                    TRIBUTE TO AN UNCOMMON FIGHTER
                            By Denja Yaqub

The first time we met was sometime in 1988 soon after his youth service under the National Youth Service Corps' compulsory programme for young graduates, which prepares them for the challenges of our society away from the infanctuations of the academic environment where dreams are generated and views of the reality of society are mostly in conflict with the facts of the decadence of our own society.

Mr. Bamidele Francis Aturu, without any organisational promptings, had just volunteered himself to the movement when he took a very courageous decision to deepen the struggle against military dictatorship in Nigeria by rejecting an award of excellence as the Best Youth Corper in Niger State, north central Nigeria in 1988. Aturu did not only reject the award, he also refused to have a handshake with the Military Governor of the State, Colonel Lawan Gwadabe. This threw Comrade Aturu up as one of the best of a generation of activists determined to change our society for the better.

The circumstance and methods adopted by Aturu in that incident could easily mistake him for an anarchist who would singularly dare the devil to make a strong point. This was an individual, acting on his own instincts but speaking on behalf of millions of Nigerians excruciatingly groaning under deepening hardships imposed on them by a very tiny club of military officers who had seized the state at gun point, mismanaging our collective resources as directed by neo liberal institutions who thought the absence of democracy in a potentially resourceful state is an opportunity to slide anti people policies down our throats.

Aturu may have acted alone in Minna, but almost immediately connected with the revolutionary community to chart a collective process for a long drawn, painstaking struggle for a society decent enough to respect everyone's rights, including the fundamental right to chose who governs us.

He became a strong member of the Socialist Congress of Nigeria, SCON; together with other comrades formed the Democratic Alternative, a front mass organisation of marxists, to mobilise Nigerians against military dictatorship. Chima Ubani, another of our finest who died in an accident during the struggle against the deregulation of the petroleum sector of the Nigerian economy was pioneer General Secretary.

From that moment, until his death at dawn on Wednesday 9th July 2014 after a very brief illness at his residence just as he was preparing to leave for the National Delegates Conference of the Nigeria Union of Teachers, NUT, at Uyo, the Akwa Ibom State capital; Aturu was part of several organisations and also took part in almost all protests against anti people policies, including the Structural Adjustment Programme which was sneaked in by the International Monetary Fund, IMF, during the Ibrahim Babangida military dictatorship.

He was a member of Campaign for Democracy, United Action for Democracy, Civil Liberties Organisation and actively participated in street barricades against military dictatorships.

If his action in Minna in 1988 displayed the fearlessness in him, his effective mobilizing capabilities and confrontations with armed security agents during these protests brought the undaunting courage, honesty and commitment to our collective struggle he was richly endowed with. Aturu was a man of unequalled courage.

Unknown to so many people, Aturu, the son of a police officer, was a private in the Nigerian Army. He deserted the army to give himself formal education, culminating in his legal practice.

Aturu first studied Physics at the Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo, South West Nigeria. He decided to return to school soon after his youth service to study law at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife and since completion of his law degree, which included a master degree in law, he worked with the Chamber of Professor Itse Sagay and Co. Prof. Sagay, himself another committed change agent, testified to Aturu's honesty and commitment to the struggle.

He left Prof. Sagay's chamber to establish his own with a vision to "serve the cause of social justice by effectively and competently using the law in spite of its limitations; to defend the underprivileged, the dispossesed, the oppressed and the abused against the rich and the powerful; to be a leading voice in the struggle against all forms of discrimination and undue privileges".  These are the vision and mission of his law chamber from the onset as stated on the chamber's website.

To emphasise his commitment and disposition of his law practice to serve the poor and underprivileged, he stated clearly that "in pursuit of this vision/mission, we will not accept a brief simply on account that it is lucrative or reject a poor prospective client simply on account of inability to pay, if we are convinced that he or she is truly unable to pay our fee." He made his chamber a part of the movement and accessible to the underprivileged.

His law firm is part of the legal team of the entire labour movement in Nigeria. He is an incontrovertible authority in labour laws in Nigeria and has authored several papers, articles and book on labour laws. His book, NIGERIA LABOUR LAWS, published in 2008 remain the most popular compendium referred to by academics, labour activists, lawyers and judges. Trade union organisers, popularly known as "pocket lawyers" because of their mastery of aspects of the Nigerian labour and trade union laws relating to workers rights to form and belong to trade unions, have been deeply enriched by Aturu's book and writings.

He also made a powerful presentation at the annual Kolagbodi Foundation lecture series in collaboration with the Fredrick Ebert Stiftung (Fredrick Ebert Foundation), which was published in 2010 titled: NIGERIAN LABOUR MOVEMENT AND THE MAKING OF AN AUTHENTHIC CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF NIGERIA.

Aturu had a very strong and resourceful presence at the Nigeria Labour Congress, not only as one of the leading counsels but also as external researcher and facilitator at the annual Rain and Harmattan schools organised by the Education and Training Department of NLC. He also represented NLC, Africa's largest labour centre, at the National Labour Advisory Council, a tripartite team with representatives from labour, employers and government, charged with the responsibility of reviewing labour laws.

Bamidele Aturu was a combination of high intellect, honesty, transparency, humility, purposeful energy, dependable and a committed youngman to the struggles for a better society.

His presence at a meeting during the pro democracy struggles reassured comrades of a rancour free meeting as he was always intervening on contentious issues that raised nerves among comrades. And he provided good leadership during mobilisations for mass actions against the military across the country.

He was not known to attend meetings he considered wasteful or that may not end with pro people resolutions. This is why he rejected his nomination to participate in the on going National Conference/Dialogue organised by the Federal Government to provide solutions to our national crisis, which has been deepened by lack of good governance, and corruption evidently more prevalent under the administration of the organisers of the conference. Aturu rejected his nomination knowing where the conference is destined, just like previous ones.

We all owe the likes of Bamidele Aturu. We must reunite, reorganise and renew our collective selfless commitment to the struggle to make Nigeria, and indeed humanity better. The circumstance of his passing should remind us all that only our contributions to humanity is the valiant in us. Death, as inevitable as it is do not make the worth of our living useless if people make their lives useful to the society.

Bamidele Francis Aturu, our own BF, is dead but he continues to live FOREVER in us all if we step up our capacity to organise for a better society for humanity.

Denja Yaqub is an Assistant Secretary at the headquarters of Nigeria Labour Congress and a close friend of Bamidele Aturu.

CAUSES AND COST OF TERROR ATTACKS

CAUSES AND COST OF TERROR ATTACKS
By Denja Yaqub

The issue of violent crimes in Nigeria did not start with the advent of Boko Haram, the murderous gang that falsely claims the propagation of Islam as its underlying mission.

The country have been contending with several violent crimes before now. Crimes such as armed robbery, kidnappings, ritual killings, political assassinations, domestic violence etc have been prevalent in our dear country since independence; and indeed during years of colonialism.

That these crimes are on the increase is basically a product of lack of good governance as evident in mass unemployment, dearth of industries, corruption, disdainful display of stolen wealth and lack of cultural and moral values even in remote communities.

Until the early years of this millennium, Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt and Ibadan were the strongest industrial base of the Nigerian economy, apart from oil.

There were industrial layouts in these cities where active factories producing textile materials, chemicals, pharmaceutical products, cement, shoes, bags, tides and skin, plastics, food, and other necessities were bubbling with productive activities involving several millions of Nigerians youths engaged in active employment.

Apart from the layouts in Kano, Lagos, Ibadan and Port Harcourt; there were strong industrial presence in other cities such as Ilorin where Tate & Lye, Philip Morris, Coca Cola etc engaged several young Nigerians as employees. In Okpella, Edo State, there were almost 3000 workers engaged at the Bendel Cement Company. Some more at the Bendel Flour Mill at Ewu.

Kaduna was home to several textile firms, just like Ilupeju, Oba Akran, Oshodi, Ikeja were in Lagos; as well as Sherada industrial layout, Bompai etc in Kano.

There were rubber plantations in most parts of the south south as well as the South East. Enugu was booming with coal production. Plateau State blossomed with mining. Indeed, Nasarawa State, which has the highest deposit of mineral resources in Nigeria had better life when the old Plateau State existed. Nassarawa still has the largest deposit of mineral resources of global quality and commercial value at the international market.

When workers close from work in these cities, a visitor will mistake the crowd on the roads for football fans coming from the stadium after a major international match.

What has happened now is the reality of the complete shut down of these industrial layouts because the factories have either relocated to other countries or folded up completely, throwing out several millions back to the streets, unemployed.

What has now taken over industrialisation is religious fanaticism, which is more "decent" than armed robbery. While churches has become an industry that is growing faster than any other "industry", having acquired dead factory houses and converted them to churches with those thrown out of employment as members. Today, the crowd coming out of church services have outnumbered those coming from work in multitudes.

Religion as the opium of the poor has completely replaced industries and other productive employments. And the faithfuls, who are largely unemployed, watch as a very tiny few come to service in convoys of stolen riches.

In the north, where the impact of unemployment is much more harsh and religion is consequentially deep,  as well as other disadvantages such as access to education as a result of growing poverty being consequence of absence of markets for farm products and the collapse of industry, people like everywhere else have taken to deeper reliance on divine interventions. And of course, this have now subjected the Holy Books of the Bible and Al -Quran to all sorts of interpretations.

The thoughtless adoption of neo liberal social economic policies originating from imperial countries of the west without local contents that are people driven caused the disappearance of industries and employment as well as the growth of private accumulation of wealth at the detriment of society in general.

Resulting from these is the resort to self help clothed in kidnappings, robberies, internet scams, terrorism and other deadly crimes that have cost lives and properties unabated.

What has happened in the Nigerian situation is that apart from infrastructural absence, policies driven by neo liberal interests stunted growth; any growth that should have provided food, shelter, and anything capable of making a citizen live in average comfort.

The social economic and political burden of the crisis created by this is what has manifested in violent crimes like terror attacks, robberies etc; in the absence of a conscious radical political mass revolution that can displace the subsisting anti people system. For now, the only palliative we can have even within the existing system is good governance, which can only be achieved through clean and transparent choices of leadership.

The cost of these attacks is clearly evident in economic inactivity and a serious government need to give a holistic solution in terms of developing home grown policies that will return industries, create jobs en masse through infrastructuctural renewals, access to quality public education, moral regeneration and disciplined political class who abhors corruption and corrupt processes.